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e, but i have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and i find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. in those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the league of nations would become all-powerful. i do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
　　
　　on the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, i repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. it is because i am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that i feel the duty to speak out now that i have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. i do not believe that soviet russia desires war. what they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. but what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. they will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. what is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
　　
　　from what i have seen of our russian friends and allies during the war, i am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. for that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. we cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. if the western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. if however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years ar

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